Monday, April 22, 2013
seratonin pump shotgun, expressing self-led digest, yes,
a silty bottom for the rest of the lake to surface,
porcelain people from old oil paintings are crusted with the glitter of modern fashioned metal furniture,
ha! what an easy trick of words, playing time with cut fingernails and plastic dishes,
each and every creature is propelled by this god person, just a prop
empty entities are shells for loathing, lugging, and reloading, click click-mice drop bomb rhymes like obama kills children, drugs kill time while protestas keep chilling, check mate the masters and them bodies still be burning, oh! but then a revolutionary change of hands! a new shiny leash for my black leather jack off, fresh politricians at the death angel doctors office, picking flowers in the garden outside while pubes and heads get shaved, no lice in the camps now kids, no flowers on the graves, just stones where we layed tracks over trains, ancient remnants of what couldnt be saved by religeon,
they ask, god please keep us in heaven,
because we live life in this prison.
Wednesday, January 25, 2012
Monday, May 9, 2011
Friday, May 6, 2011
by Kevin Carson
Center for a Stateless Society
May 1, 2011
History, since the agricultural revolution, can be usefully conceptualized as an offensive-defensive arms race between technologies of abundance and social structures of expropriation.
Until the appearance of agriculture, human society didn’t produce a large enough surplus to support much in the way of social organization above the hunter-gatherer group. Agriculture was the first technology of abundance sufficiently productive to support parasitic classes on a large scale. With agriculture came a superstructure of kings, priests, martial castes and landlords who milked the producing classes like cattle.
We now seem to be nearing the end of an interval of ten thousand years or so between two thresholds. The first threshold was the appearance of the first large-scale technology of abundance — agriculture.
Since then we have been in that aforementioned arms race. Sometimes technologies of abundance produce an increase in the social surplus faster than the class superstructure can expropriate it, and things become better for the ordinary person — as in the late Middle Ages, when the horse collar and crop rotation caused a massive increase in agricultural productivity, the craftsmen of the free towns developed new production technologies, and the decay of feudalism resulted in falling rents and de facto emancipation of large sectors of the peasantry. Sometimes the advantage shifts to the social structures of expropriation, and things get worse — as in the case of the absolute monarchies’ suppression of the free towns, what Immanuel Wallerstein called the “long sixteenth century,” and the Enclosures.
We’re approaching the second threshold, when the technologies of abundance reach a takeoff point beyond which the social structures of expropriation can no longer keep up with the rising production curve.
The interval between the two thresholds has been comparatively brief, compared to the hundreds of thousands of years that homo sapiens has existed in something like its present form and the billion years or so that the sun will likely be able to support human life. Seen in that light, this interval is a brief initial adjustment period in the early stages of human productivity. The state was an anomaly in this early stage of the technological explosion, in the childhood of the human race, by whose means the parasitic classes were briefly able to piggyback on the revolution in productivity and harness it as a source of income for themselves.
During this brief interval, parasitic classes — bureaucrats, usurers, landlords, and assorted rentiers — used the state to create scarcity by artificial means, in order to enclose the increased productivity from technologies of abundance as a source of rents for themselves. But after these first few millennia, the productivity curve has shifted so sharply upward that the increases in output will dwarf the rentier classes’ ability to expropriate it. What’s more, new technologies of abundance are rendering artificial scarcities unenforceable.
Around forty years ago, it was fashionable to say that humanity was entering the “Age of Aquarius.” There is a sense in which the 1970s really were the beginning of a new age of human liberation. They saw the birth of the two technologies of abundance — the desktop computer and cheap numerically-controlled machine tools — which will eventually free us from the grip of the corporate state and its artificial scarcities.
The apparent reaction of the decades since — neoliberalism and the Washington Consensus, Reaganism and Thatcherism, the jackbooted police state of the Drug War and War on Terror, the neocons’ wet dream of a Thousand Year Reich enforced by the Sole Remaining Superpower, the Digital Millennium Copyright Act — can be seen as a desperate rear guard action by the corporate state, the death throes of a dying system, a last-ditch effort by the forces of artificial scarcity to suppress the forces that will destroy them.
This effort will fail. What file-sharing has done to the record industry, and what Wikileaks has done to the national security state, are only the dimmest foreshadowings of what technologies of abundance and freedom will do to the old authoritarian institutions.
Encryption and darknets are destroying the power of the music, publishing, and movie industries to collect rents on their so-called “intellectual property,” and eliminating economic transactions as a tax base to support bureaucrats.
New physical production technologies, by extracting greater outputs from ever smaller inputs, are rendering the privileged classes’ huge supplies of land and capital utterly useless as a source of income.
Ordinary people, with cheap means of informational and physical production, will soon be able to meet our needs through peaceful production and trade in a fraction of the present workweek, and dump the rentiers off our backs.
If this framing of human history is valid, we’re just finishing the dawn of humanity’s brief childhood, and entering the long afternoon of its maturity.
By Silvia Federici and George Caffentzis
We are writing to express to you our solidarity at a time when the pain for those who have died or have disappeared is still raw, and the task of reshaping of life out of the immense wreckage caused by the earthquake, the tsunami and the nuclear reactor meltdowns must appear unimaginable. We also write to think together with you what this moment marked by the most horrific nuclear disaster yet in history signifies for our future, for the politics of anti-capitalist social movements, as well as the fundamentals of everyday reproduction.
Concerning our future and the politics of anti-capitalist movements, one thing is sure. The present situation in Japan is potentially more damaging to people’s confidence in capitalism than any disaster in the “under-developed” world and certainly far more damaging than the previous exemplar of nuclear catastrophe, Chernobyl. For none of the exonerating excuses or explanations commonly flagged in front of man-made disasters can apply in this case. Famines in Africa can be blamed, however wrongly, on the lack of capital and technological “know how,” i.e., they can be blamed on the lack of development, while the Chernobyl accident can be attributed to the technocratic megalomania bred in centrally-planned socialist societies. But neither underdevelopment nor socialism can be used to explain a disaster in 21st century Japan that has the world’s third largest capitalist economy and the most technologically sophisticated infrastructure on the planet. The consequences of the earthquake, the tsunami and, most fatefully, the damaged nuclear reactors can hardly be blamed on the lack of capitalist development. On the contrary, they are the clearest evidence that high tech capitalism does not protect us against catastrophes, and it only intensifies their threat to human life while blocking any escape route. This is why the events in Japan are potentially so threatening and so de-legitimizing for the international capitalist power-structure. For the chain of meltdowns feared or actually occurring stands as a concrete embodiment of what capitalism has in store for us —an embodiment of the dangers to which we are being exposed with total disregard of our well-being, and what we can expect in our future, as from China to the US and beyond, country after country is planning to multiply its nuclear plants.
-please read the entirety of this powerful letter at infoshop.org
Thursday, April 28, 2011
After pepper spraying a family in Portland, a police officer said, "That’s why you shouldn't bring kids to protests." Blaming the victim is the standard defense for political violence. Kids and parents should be safe at legal rallies because protests shouldn't be cordoned off, ordered to disperse without time or a place to go, and attacked.
At least one woman had a miscarriage after the WTO demonstrations in Seattle in 1999. I told somebody about this and they got angry saying, “Anybody who goes into a situation like that while they're pregnant is irresponsible!” But she was a local resident who's neighborhood was invaded by police using tear gas. Who was responsible for that?
Tuesday, April 26, 2011
Friday, April 22, 2011
- Victor Serge, Memoirs of a Revolutionary
Wednesday, April 20, 2011
you are the wind
are the notes
I am singing
you, the wind
am I speaking
to you, the wind?
are you listening?
the channel is flush with flow and flux
my wind will blow through and through
the sea is blue and black my child
is red, when she runs
when she leaves me
my son will shine
the paint will dry
when you are gone
the wind will moan
am I wet?
dying or sleeping or somewhere
close, yet distantly off the street
the river we’ll cross
where we will meet
in the center
are you a sharp corner
am I stone?
should we cry to the open eyes
the lids of space containing us?
can I simplify my pattern?
I am the trunk, the bark and branches,
you are the wind, the air, the river, sweet whispers and love
Friday, April 15, 2011
— Frederick Douglass